Boy Scouts retiring an American flag |
The flag of the United States
is a powerful symbol. It has been a symbol of military might as it has led
countless troops into battle and is now worn on the combat uniforms of American
service personnel. The flag was a symbol of victory when it was raised over
Iwo Jima on February 25th, 1945. The American flag served as a
symbol of unity during the Civil Rights Era when it flew in Civil Rights
Marches, most famously by the lectern in front of the Lincoln Memorial when
Martin Luther King, Jr. gave his famous “I have a dream” speech. It has been a
symbol of scientific progress as when it was raised on the moon July 21st,
1969. It serves as a symbol of patriotic pride when flown on Independence Day
and other patriotic celebrations. A flag draped over the coffin of a serviceman
or woman signifies sacrifice.
Americans rendering honors during the performance of the National Anthem. |
Because of its symbolic
significance, the American flag evokes strong emotions from most Americans. When
they see the flag, they take pride, and render proper honors, placing their
hand over their heart, or rendering a salute if they’re veterans when hearing
the National Anthem, watching it pass in parade, or when it is being lowered
ceremoniously.
Occasionally, people stand with
their arms at their sides or perhaps won’t stand at all, even if they’re able
to. Perhaps it is because they have never been taught proper flag etiquette and
don’t know they’re supposed to render honors. In many cases, not rendering
proper honors to the flag is a form of protest. For these people, though they
may love America, the flag is not a positive symbol.
Children on an Air Force base improperly rendering honors during evening colors. |
Often people protest the
government in public demonstrations with pickets, shouting slogans, and making
speeches. Articles, essays, and books are published criticizing America and its
government. Making speeches, writing articles, and petitioning the government
sometimes doesn’t make much of an impact if any. To show their displeasure, to
make their point, or to just get attention, people occasionally desecrate or
even burn the American flag.
Some react strongly to the
desecration of the American flag starting counter-protests or even becoming
violent. Incidents of flag desecration are historically rare. From 1777 to 1989
there were only 45 recorded cases of flag burning, most of which happened in
the 1960s during the Vietnam conflict (Reasons). In spite of flag desecration
being so rare, federal, state, and local governments have passed laws on numerous
occasions to protect the American flag from desecration. The first of these
laws was a federal law called the Uniform Flag Act passed in 1917. Most state
and local governments patterned their laws after the 1917 law (State). The
language of the Uniform Flag Act is still part of federal law in Title 18,
United States Code § 700.
During the United States’
involvement in the Vietnam Conflict during the 1960s, the incidence of flag
desecration increased resulting in Congress passing the Flag Protection Act of
1968 (Timeline). Most of the cases regarding flag desecration that came before
the Supreme Court were in regards to people either speaking disrespectfully
about the flag (Street v. New York), the flag being worn as a piece of clothing
(Smith v. Goguen), or physically altering the appearance of the flag without
actually damaging it (Spence v. Washington). In each case, the Supreme Court
overturned the convictions of the lower courts on first amendment grounds. Flag
burning did not come before the court until 1989 (Texas v. Johnson).
In 1984, during the Republican
National Convention being held in Dallas, Texas, Gregory Johnson burned a
stolen flag in front of the Dallas City Hall as part of an organized protest.
He was arrested for violating a Texas law which prohibited the desecration of a
venerated object. Johnson was fined $2,000 and sentenced to a year in prison.
The case was appealed several times. It was upheld by the Fifth Court of
Appeals of Texas, but overturned by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals on
First Amendment Grounds. The State of Texas then appealed to the Supreme Court
and the case was heard in 1989 (Texas v. Johnson).
The Supreme Court struck down
Texas’ law in a 5 to 4 decision that saw staunch Constitutional conservative
and Reagan appointee, Antonin Scalia, along with two other known conservatives,
Harry Blackmun, a Nixon appointee, and Anthony Kennedy another Reagan appointee
joining the majority. Because of the strong conservative presence on the court
at the time (6-3), the decision came as a surprise to many (Lubet). Congress
responded immediately with the Flag Protection Act of 1989. The Supreme Court
overturned this law as well in 1990 when it heard the case, United States v.
Eichman, in a 5 to 4 decision that mirrored the Supreme Court’s decision in
Texas v. Johnson (U.S. v. Eichman).
(Carrol) |
With flag protection laws
overturned, politicians have tried many times to pass differing legislation and
even a constitutional amendment. Some polls indicate that a majority of Americans
support a constitutional amendment to ban flag desecration, each attempt has
failed in congress (Carroll). Considering the language of the First Amendment
and the Supreme Court’s interpretation going back more than a century, it seems
like this should be a settled issue and yet, there still seems to be a great
deal of confusion and debate. This also isn’t a right/left,
conservative/liberal, Republican/Democrat issue with neatly divided lines.
While conservatives typically are in favor of protecting the flag, as
demonstrated above, conservatives on the Supreme Court were instrumental in
overturning flag protection laws on first amendment grounds. In 2005, Utah
Republican Senator, Robert Bennett introduced the Flag Protection Act of 2005. While
it was unsurprising that a Republican introduced the Flag Protection Act, what
many found very surprising was that it had four Democrat cosponsors, three of
whom are well known progressive liberals—Hillary Clinton, Barbara Boxer, and
Mark Pryor (United States).
In order to really understand
if banning flag desecration is appropriate or even necessary, the arguments in
favor of protecting the flag must be taken into consideration. Some of the main
arguments in defense of protecting the flag can be found in the Congressional
findings listed in the Flag Protection Act of 2005, but others will be
considered as well.
The Congressional findings make
four arguments in favor of the Flag Protection Act: 1.) The flag of the United
States is a symbol of the nation and its values, 2.) The Bill of Rights should
not be amended to restrict freedom of speech, 3.) abuse of the flag causes
distress to some people and such actions can amount to fighting words, and 4.)
destruction of the flag can be used to incite violence instead of just making a
political statement (United States).
(@realDonaldTrump) |
Many of these points can be
conceded, but also countered with further information that favor flag
desecration as protected free speech. First, the flag does represent the United
States as well as the “republic for which it stands” as stated in the Pledge of
Allegiance. The definition of the American republic is laid out in the
Constitution of the United States which includes the Bill of Rights and the
first amendment. The first amendment guarantees the right to freedom of speech
and, as the Supreme Court has found time and again, freedom of expression which
included disrespectful language about, disrespectful use of, and defacing and
destruction of the American flag (What). The American flag represents the freedom
of its own destruction as a form of protest and expression. Second, the Bill of
Rights should not be amended and yet, that is exactly what the Flag Protection
Act, the Flag Desecration Amendment, and similar legislation seeks to do.
Law professor and self-described
liberal, Steven Lubet claims in his essay, Banning
the Desecration of the American Flag Would Not Be Censorship, that the Flag
Desecration Amendment “… would not limit freedom of speech very much at all. No
words or beliefs would be prohibited, no opinions would be suppressed.” This is
another point that must be conceded. However, he goes on to point out:
“The classic ‘slippery slope’
argument, a staple of liberal analysis, posits that small restrictions may lead
to bigger ones. But in this case, that is not true. It is tremendously
difficult to amend the Constitution—requiring a two-thirds vote in each house
of Congress and ratification by three-quarters of the states—so it is extremely
unlikely that the flag amendment will be quickly followed by others.”
The problem with this line of
thinking is that the Constitution doesn’t need to be amended for freedom of
speech and expression to be abridged. History has shown that all it takes is
complicity between the three branches of government to abridge first amendment
rights. In 1798, Congress passed, President John Adams signed, and the Supreme
Court upheld the Alien and Sedition Acts. These laws prohibited any criticism of the government whether
that criticism was spoken, written, or implied. This was only seven years after
the Bill of Rights was added to the Constitution! Three of the laws were
repealed under Thomas Jefferson’s administration, but the fourth, the Alien
Enemies Act remained in effect and was used by President Woodrow Wilson as a justification to
silence protest against entering World War I as well as jailing political
opponents and journalists who criticized him in the media. The administration of President Franklin
Roosevelt also refernced the Alien Enemies Act to justify the internment of American
citizens of Japanese descent as well as deporting American citizens of Japanese,
German, and Italian descent during World War II. If all those things can be done
without an amendment to the Constitution, then an amendment that is frankly
injurious the first amendment would be the gateway drug to fascism.
Third, the Flag Protection legislation seeks to prevent acts that “amount to ‘fighting words’” or can be considered an
incitement to violence. The term “fighting words” as used by politicians stems
from a 1942 Supreme Court Case, Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire where a man was
arrested for verbally assaulting a Jehovah’s Witness who was street preaching.
While the Supreme Court upheld the arrest, the Supreme Court has narrowed the
meaning of the terminology and courts tend to use the term “incitement”
instead. It is hard to imagine an instance where simply desecrating the flag
would incite violence unless the flag desecrator or their opponent had already
used inciting language. In that case, there are already laws that can be used
to curb such acts and there is no need to abridge the freedom of speech.
Lubet also argues in his essay
that banning flag desecration would actually give such acts more weight. If a
person is willing to go to jail as part of their speech or expression, that
makes the message all the more powerful. Again, that is certainly true, but
there are rights we now take for granted that were once oppressively regulated.
John Bunyan, author of the Christian allegorical classic, Pilgrim’s Progress, spent 12 years in jail for preaching the gospel
without a license from the Church of England (Deal v.). Many Colonial printing
presses were run underground because a license from the crown was required.
Colonial printers caught printing without a license were arrested and jailed,
and their presses were confiscated or destroyed (Petersen 10-12). Thanks to the
first amendment, both practices are now protected under the first amendment. If
we’re going to ban flag desecration, why not require preachers and printers to
get special government permission? That’s working really well in China.
Freedom cannot survive when the
government can ban expression with which it disagrees. America was built on
speech and expression that was offensive to the government. Colonial Americans
wrote speeches against the King of England and his agents in the colonies, they
operated underground (illegal) printing presses in protest of stamp taxes, they
burned the King in Effigy all of which were illegal. Making offensive
activities illegal doesn’t prevent them from occurring. Sometimes, making
certain activities illegal makes them more thrilling. One only needs to
consider the disastrous effects of the Prohibition Era ushered in by the
eighteenth amendment or the violent and ineffective war on drugs. Drugs and
alcohol actually have negative health effects, but what negative side effect is
there to desecrating the flag? People get angry, some special snowflakes get their feelings hurt,
and even more rarely the flag desecrator is assaulted. Flag desecration would
become the ultimate victimless crime, but a crime nevertheless. With America’s
out of control debt, homelessness, unemployment, the threat of terrorism, and a
slew of other issues, the matter of flag desecration pales in comparison.
Government officials and politicians need to focus on what is truly important
before they consider abridging freedom of expression.
Works Cited
Carroll,
Joseph. “Public Support for Constitutional Amendment on Flag Burning.” Gallup. Gallup 2006. Accessed 29 Nov.
2016, www.gallup.com/poll/23524/public-support-constitutional-amendment-flag-burning.aspx.
Deal, William
S. “Introduction.” John Bunyan: The
Tinker of Bedford, Good News Publishers 1977.
Lubet, Steven.
“Banning the Desecration of the American Flag Would Not Be Censorship.” Censorship 2007, Opposing Viewpoints in
Context. Accessed 25 Nov 2016.
Petersen,
Christine. “Permission to Print.” The Printer,
Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2011.
@realDonaldTrump.
“Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag - if they do, there must be
consequences - perhaps loss of citizenship or year in jail!” Twitter, 29 Nov. 2016, 3:55a.m., twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/803567993036754944.
“Reasons to
Oppose the Flag Desecration Amendment.” American
Civil Liberties Union. ACLU 2016. Accessed 25 Nov 2016,
www.aclu.org/other/reasons-oppose-flag-desecration-amendment.
“State flag-protection laws.” First Amendment Center. First Amendment
Center 2002. Accessed 25 Nov 2016,
www.firstamendmentcenter.org/state-flag-protection-laws.
Supreme Court.
Chaplinsky v. State of New Hampshire.
9 Mar. 1942.
Supreme Court.
Sidney Street v. State of New York.
21 Apr. 1969.
Supreme Court.
Smith v. Goguen. 25 Mar. 1974.
Supreme Court.
Spence v. Washington. 25 June 1974.
Supreme Court.
Texas v. Gregory Lee Johnson. 21 June
1989.
Supreme Court.
United States v. Shawn Eichman et al.
11 June 1990.
“Timeline of
Flag Desecration Issues.” ushistory.org.
Independence Hall Association 1999-2016. Accessed 25 Nov 2016, www.ushistory.org/betsy/more/desecration.htm.
United States
Cong. Senate. Senate Judiciary Committee. Flag
Protection Act of 2005. 109th Cong. United
States Congress. Accessed 26 Nov. 2016, www.congress.gov/bill/109th-congress/senate-bill/1911/actions.
“What Does
Free Speech Mean?” United States Courts.
Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts. Accessed 26 Nov. 2016. www.uscourts.gov/about-federal-courts/educational-resources.
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